The “fight” Patterson speaks of is the DIA’s core mission: providing military intelligence to those who are fighting wars and defense policymakers. In September of 2008, Patterson accepted the position of deputy director of the Defense Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence (also known as HUMINT) Center. “Counterintelligence professionals look for people who are trying to steal our secrets and harm our nation,” says Patterson. “Every time you read about a terror suspect being caught, quite often it’s not by accident. We look for indicators and as we see them, we pass the information on to the FBI or civilian law enforcement.”

While the DIA has been around since 1961, “it has been a closed community for a long time,” says Patterson. Most people had no idea what the organization did “unless you see Jack Bauer on [the television show] 24, but then you’ve got to figure out where to go to become that Jack Bauer kind of guy.” But the DIA has opened its doors to newcomers partly because the nation now faces threats that require new technologies and skill sets. Opportunities exist, but knowing national security trends and possessing valued proficiencies can make all the difference in securing a position at the DIA.

Finding the Opportunities
Positions at the DIA fall into three main categories. The vast majority are intelligence analyst positions since they represent the agency’s core mission. The next largest category is information technology, which reflects the growing impact technology is having on intelligence gathering. Administrative positions, which support the day-to-day functioning of the agency, encompass areas such as human capital, financial services, and acquisitions.

The agency posts vacancies on its Website and advertises on the federal government’s official jobs website. “Sometimes the window [of opportunity] is very short. There may be an ideal job for you but if you don’t check the sites every day, you can miss

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opportunities,” says Denise Byrd Carter, the agency’s senior diversity expert. The agency, which has employees across the country and around the world, has also increased its recruitment efforts. Job fairs and recruitment events featuring the federal government not only put candidates in a position to learn about vacancies, they also provide a forum for networking. The odds of securing a position in intelligence increase if you “make it a point to meet people who work in these agencies,” Byrd Carter adds.

College students should look for opportunities through the Intelligence Community Centers of Academic Excellence Program, in which intelligence agencies work with partner colleges such as North Carolina A&T State University and Florida A&M University to create a curriculum that prepares students for careers in national security. The DIA’s Undergraduate Training Assistance Program also provides scholarships and internships to high-achieving students of certain foreign languages, international studies, and/or political science.

Education and Training
The level of education and professional experience needed to pursue a career at the DIA varies depending on the position, but typically an undergraduate or graduate degree is required. For those seeking intelligence-related positions, “we want those that have degrees in international studies, foreign language, research and development, or some of the hard sciences,” Byrd Carter says.

Fluency in foreign languages, especially Arabic, is preferable. Currently there’s a need for applicants who know Pashto, Urdu, and Dari, three languages spoken in middle-Eastern countries such as Afghanistan and Pakistan.

All intelligence professionals will also need to submit a writing sample as part of their application process since they must be able to communicate their findings about potential threats. “You have to be able to write reports in a coherent and cogent manner so anyone can understand them,” Byrd Carter explains. “You have to be an excellent writer.”

Security Matters
DIA employees are dealing with matters of national security. Byrd Carter says every job applicant must receive top-secret security clearance, a process that can take anywhere from two to nine months.

During this time, investigators will verify an applicant’s previous experiences through interviews and research. Nothing is off-limits, including social networking sites. “With Facebook and Twitter, you have to be careful about what you’re putting out there because it will be scrutinized,” Byrd Carter advises.

To expedite the clearance process, applicants should include multiple references for various periods in their lives, says William H. Henderson, author of Security Clearance Manual: How to Reduce the Time It Takes to Get Your Government Clearance (Last Post Publishing; $19.95). “Investigators want peer references like college roommates or fraternity brothers,” Henderson says. “They want peers who can truly talk about your behavior.” Some applicants may also have to submit to a polygraph test.

Once you’ve secured a position, security concerns dictate that you keep classified information secret and that your personal life be reviewed every five years to make sure nothing has compromised the security clearance. “You have to be committed,” offers Byrd Carter, “and understand that if you don’t follow through with these regulations, you compromise the national security of the United States.”

Tamara E. Holmes is a regular contributor to Black Enterprise.

Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It’s tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable – that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history’s call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted – immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.

But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America’s families have been dealing with for decades – the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They’re not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I’ve witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children – asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don’t understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn’t; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can’t afford it. Not now.

Related Reading:
— Obama Resets Agenda in State of the Union Address
– Poll: Assessing the State of the Union

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope – what they deserve – is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to school. They’re coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.”

It is because of this spirit – this great decency and great strength – that I have never been more hopeful about America’s future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it’s time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, I’d like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there’s one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it’s that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn’t just do what was popular – I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration’s efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.

To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall Street isn’t keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.

That’s why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven’t raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That’s right – the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don’t have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act.

Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created.

Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn’t be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America’s businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do – in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss.

Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country.

So tonight, I’m proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax credit – one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we’re at it, let’s also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There’s no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I’ll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it’s time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America.

The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps still won’t make up for the seven million jobs we’ve lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America’s families have confronted for years.

We cannot afford another so-called economic “expansion” like the one from last decade – what some call the “lost decade” – where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious – that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile.

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:

How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China’s not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany’s not waiting. India’s not waiting. These nations aren’t standing still. These nations aren’t playing for second place. They’re putting more emphasis on math and science. They’re rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it’s time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I’m interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can’t allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history – an investment that could lead to the world’s cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year’s investment in clean energy – in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future – because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we’re launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that’s why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.

This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform – reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let’s take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let’s tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years – and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And it’s time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs – because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That’s why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That’s why we’re nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That’s why we’re working to lift the value of a family’s single largest investment – their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.

Now let’s be clear – I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn’t take on health care because it was good politics.

I took on health care because of the stories I’ve heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who’ve been denied coverage; and families – even those with insurance – who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we’ve taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office – the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress – our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what’s in it for them.

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I’m finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we’ve proposed. There’s a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Here’s what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it’s not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It’s a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that’s been subject to a lot of political posturing.

So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door.

Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.

I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I’m proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don’t. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.

We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can’t afford and don’t work. We’ve already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. We just can’t afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That’s why I’ve called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can’t be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand – if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery – all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we’ll hear a different argument – that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that’s what we did for eight years. That’s what helped lead us into this crisis. It’s what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it’s time to try something new. Let’s invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let’s meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try common sense.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust – deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve.

That’s what I came to Washington to do. That’s why – for the first time in history – my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And that’s why we’ve excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.

But we can’t stop there. It’s time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it’s time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests – including foreign corporations – to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don’t think American elections should be bankrolled by America’s most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and that’s why I’m urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.

I’m also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I’m calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there’s a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don’t also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I am not naïve. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent – a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government.

So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I know it’s an election year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it’s not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let’s show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I’ll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can’t wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who’s to blame for this, but I am not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let’s put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let’s reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let’s leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future – for America and the world.

That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of Al Qaeda’s fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed – far more than in 2008.

In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans – men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform — in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world – must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why we are building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people – the threat of nuclear weapons. I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April’s Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring forty-four nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions – sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran’s leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences.

That is the leadership that we are providing – engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an infectious disease – a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.

Abroad, America’s greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws – so that women get equal pay for an equal day’s work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system – to secure our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.

In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America – values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren’t Republican values or Democratic values they’re living by; business values or labor values. They are American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions – our corporations, our media, and yes, our government – still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people’s doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.

No wonder there’s so much cynicism out there.

No wonder there’s so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change – change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren’t sure if they still believe we can change – or at least, that I can deliver it.

But remember this – I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I can do it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That’s just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths. We can do what’s necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what’s best for the next generation.

But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years ago or one hundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldn’t be here tonight. The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going – what keeps me fighting – is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism – that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people – lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, “None of us,” he said, “…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.”

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong. We are resilient. We are American.”

It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who’ve dropped everything to go some place they’ve never been and pull people they’ve never known from rubble, prompting chants of “U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!” when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s seize this moment – to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America.

(Source: The White House)

President Barack Obama proposes $30 billion in assistance to small business during his first State of the Union address. (Source: White House)

Following a difficult year beset with Republican obstructionism, Democratic infighting, and voter disappointment, President Barack Obama delivered his first ever State of the Union address with a message for everyone.

He vowed to not abandon ambitious plans for longer-term fixes to healthcare, energy, and education despite stinging setbacks to his agenda–and popularity.

“We have finished a difficult year,” Obama said. “We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s seize this moment–to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.”

The address was an opportunity for Obama to retool his agenda and lay out his vision for the future. He sought to change the conversation from the shortcomings of his presidency to how he was taking more control. Much of the speech addressed the country’s economic woes — especially the high unemployment rate — which was a good move, said San Francisco State University political scientist Robert Smith.

Touting what he considers to be some of the successes of his first year in office, such as tax cuts for 95% of working families and for small businesses and first-time homebuyers, as well as jobs created or saved because of provisions in the Recovery Act, the president acknowledged that there are still too many Americans feeling anguish over the nation’s unemployment figures, worried about whether they’ll become the next statistic.

“That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that’s why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight,” Obama said to rapturous applause.

“I was pleased to hear him put jobs at the forefront because that’s what the American people are worried about, but he also let them know that he feels their pain and he wants to do something about it,” said Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Maryland), following the president’s remarks. “Some people had gotten to the point where they were wondering about his sensitivity level, but he made it clear he will do something about it.”

In acknowledement of the power of small businesses as a key to an economic recovery, Obama proposed taking “$30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat.” He also proposed a new small business tax credit, and a range of provisions that include tax incentives to spur investment; expanded access to capital and growth opportunities to create jobs; and increased support for entrepreneurship to foster innovation.

The speech did not win the support of Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Steele, who accused the president of trying to sound “conservative” with his “rhetorical flair.”

“By all accounts, his explanations failed to answer the question on the mind of Americans: ‘When will I get a job?’” said Steele. “There is just no amount of spin and blame shifting that can hide the fact that tonight the president added more zeros to an already burdensome deficit with no explanation as to how he would pay for this ‘new foundation.’  As a good construction worker will tell you – foundations cost money.”

Related Reading:
– Transcript: State of the Union Address
— Poll: Assessing the State of the Union

Still, Obama didn’t put healthcare reform on the backburner, saying instead that he has no plans to move backward on the issue, despite its unpopularity.

“I didn’t choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn’t take on healthcare because it would good politics,” Obama, conceding that he and his administration did not adequately explain its importance more clearly to voters.

He challenged lawmakers from both parties who think they may have a better approach that will accomplish the goals of bringing down premiums and the deficit, expand coverage, strengthen Medicare for seniors and stop insurance company abuses to share their ideas.

“Do not walk away from reform. Not now,” urged Obama. “Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.”

Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-New York) said that jobs and healthcare are intertwined and people worried about the former cannot discount the latter.

“The fact of the matter is that healthcare is jobs. We have about $350 billion in deficits in the 50 states right now. Of that, between 25% to 30% is healthcare with the growth of spending and the uninsured,” Weiner said. “So if you’re concerned about states having to lay off people, to raise taxes and punish jobs, you’ve got to be concerned about healthcare.” As a result of Obama’s remarks, Weiner added, lawmakers can stop focusing on the 60th senator without whom the upper chamber felt it couldn’t pass a healthcare bill, and think about what’s best for the country. Obama’s next step, counseled Weiner, is to take the argument to the American people.

Obama received tepid response from both Democrats and Republicans on plans to freeze spending for three years. His argument is that like the nation’s cash-strapped families, the government must learn to live on a budget.
“It sounds like a plan, but of course you have to know more about it. The reason there’s uncertainty is that many aren’t sure yet what that means,” said Rep. Danny Davis (D-Illinois). “I don’t mind cutting but not essential things that help lift people up by their bootstraps or that will prevent us from rebuilding deteriorated communities in America.”

The president also challenged the Senate, which is infamous for its slow movement, procedural hurdles, and horse trading that slowed down the chamber’s healthcare bill, to act swiftly to take up legislation already passed in the house, on such issues as jobs, energy, education, and a pay-as-you-go law. He called out the seven Senate Republicans who co-sponsored legislation to create a bipartisan fiscal commission and then voted against it on the day before his address, and announced that he plans to issue an executive order to move forward on it.

Obama also used his speech to change the political tone and gamesmanship taking place in Washington. Frustrated with members of his own party, Obama reminded Democrats that they have the largest majority in decades and it must not be wasted. He told Senate Republicans that if they insist on 60 rather than 51 votes to pass legislation that they must also take responsibility for governing and that saying no to everything isn’t leadership.

“I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it’s an election year. And after last week, it’s clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern,” the president said, adding that he plans to hold monthly meetings with lawmakers from both parties and chambers.

Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-New York) said that the meetings would force Republicans to come up with ideas and prevent them from getting away with just saying no.

“Obama has made compromises to the point where he was upsetting the base. With this transparency, people will have to come on board and the Senate won’t be able to continue to be a graveyard for bills that are good for the American people,” Meeks said.

Whether Obama will be able to fulfill his promises remains to be seen. He faces an uphill struggle among the American people and other politicians. In fact, Gallup Poll finds that Obama is the most politically polarizing president in recent history, with 88% of Democrats approving of his job performance and only just a 23% approval from Republicans.

Deborah Creighton Skinner and the Associated Press contributed to this article.

Army Gen. William "Kip" Ward (right) accepts a lifetime leadership award from Albert E. Dotson Jr., chairman of the 100 Black Men of America Inc. (Source: Zef Nikolla)

BlackEnterprise.com: What do you think Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) can do to assist young African American men and women who are interested in achieving a career in the military?

Gen. William “Kip” Ward: First and foremost, they can provide a quality education. That obviously will set our youngsters up for a career in the military or any other endeavor. I think the educational background is the basic ingredient, and it is certainly something that I was very blessed to receive from Morgan State University. HBCUs provide an atmosphere that nurtures and cares, but doesn’t cajole or coddle the student either. That supportive environment says you can be anything you want to be. Those qualities give HBCUs great merit.

What programs has the Army implemented to encourage African Americans to rise through the ranks the way that you did?

The Junior ROTC program on high school campuses does not presuppose a commitment to the military. It provides a structured environment that allows men and women to be responsible, display initiative, and take responsibility for their actions. Clearly those who continue to pursue that in a military career are well served by those experiences, but those life skills are also applicable and transferrable in many fields of endeavor.

Gen. Ward greets former Virginia Gov. L. Douglas Wilder during the awards banquet. (Source: Zef Nikolla)

My goal is that at AFRICOM we listen to the things that Africans say are important to them, and understand where those lines of consistency lie with our security objectives. The goal is to see increasingly more stable nations on the continent, contributing to the care of their people and to global security in substantial ways. When you have a stable continent of Africa that affects our stability, because in the days of a mobilized environment what happens in one part of the world, clearly affects all of us.

How has your command developed a strategy to try to reduce the threat of piracy?

It is an international concern, and it is not something that my command will do as an independent activity. We want to work with the international community and the African Union as they develop their programs. We need to address the ability of the nations to control their territorial waters and have the ability to police those waters in effective ways. Our strategy is to support Africa’s efforts, not to develop stand alone activities. Our instruction to their security organizations will provide additional capabilities to protect their territorial waters from illegal fishing and trafficking.

What advice would you give and what skills do you suggest one should try to acquire if they are interested in achieving the status of a four-star general?

I think being a four-star general is nice, but it is not something that everyone should try to achieve. You can’t be focused on yourself. Focus on doing the things that cause your teammates to be better. By doing so, you elevate the activities and achievements of the entire team. And if you are recognized and elevated, then that is great, but more importantly we elevate our fellow human beings and we elevate our organizations so that we are all in a better position to achieve things that will make a difference for all of us.

The debate is over.  To her credit, Palin made no gaffes and gained confidence as the debate went on. Her refusal to answer questions and numerous attempts to manipulate the conversation by changing the question was troubling, but likely worked in her favor. Palin also resisted Biden’s efforts to link the McCain campaign to the Bush administration, but Biden was persistent and subtle. For his part, Biden kept his exuberance in check and didn’t say anything that could have been misconstrued.

An image that will likely be splashed across Websites tomorrow will be of Palin after the debate chatting with Biden and his family and holding her baby.

Ifill could have been more forceful with both candidates, requiring them to answer the questions put before them. Perhaps because of the questions about her impartiality she opted to let too many things go.

Who won? The pundits and the polls will let us know in the coming days.

Wrapping Up — 10:29 — Palin says it was great to meet Biden finally and that she would like to do more of the debates and talk to Americans without the filter of the Main Stream Media. She says that she is proud to be an American. She quotes Ronald Reagan, and says that she and McCain will fight for Americans.

Biden’s turn: This is the most important election that you’ll ever vote in. Says there’s a need in a fundamental change in the course of the country.  He closes with a hope for safety for the troops abroad.

Changing the tone — 10:35: As No. 2, Biden says that he’ll work across the aisle to get work for America done. Ditto for Palin. Proof is in the pudding.

Maverick — 10:24: Finally, Biden has had it up to hear about McCain’s maverick status. McCain ain’t no James Garner.

Flaws — 10:18: In response to a question that what she thinks of the conventional wisdom that she lacks experience, Palin lists her experience as a hockey mom and how she connects to middle America. She doesn’t quite answer the question, but says she and McCain combined have the experience needed to move the country forward. Biden’s issue: his ability to open mouth and insert foot. He prefers to call it his passion for an issue. Biden just choked up when talking about being a single father and his wife and daughter who died in a car crash years ago.

Aw Shucks Moment — 10:12: Palin just said “dog gone it” and told Biden that his wife’s reward will be in heaven because she is a teacher. Bringing a folksy tone to the campaign, Palin gave a shout out to schools and teachers in Alaska. Interesting ploy as she attempts to appeal to Joe Six-Pack and hockey moms across America.

(Source: Getty Images)

Heartbeat Away From the Presidency — 10:07: How would a Biden administration be different than an Obama administration? Biden would carry out Obama’s education and energy policies. A foreign policy that would end the war in Iraq. A policy that would kill or capture Osama bin Laden. “I would follow through with Barack Obama’s policies because I agree with all his policies.”

Palin again refers to her team as a bunch of mavericks to show why she and McCain don’t agree on ANWR. Please stop with the mavericks. It is fine if someone wants to call you a maverick, but don’t call yourself a maverick. That’s not a maverick.

Darfur — 10:03: Biden talks about his long-term position about wanting to take action in Darfur and help the victims of the genocide. Though the question is about Darfur, Palin talks about how she is a Washington outsider. But that wasn’t the question. Did she hear Ifill’s question?

War on Terror — 9:58: Palin has been trained really well. But it doesn’t seem natural. She is taking lots of notes and wrtes down a lot of talking points. When the camera swings to her, she isn’t looking up and doesn’t apear to be listening to Biden.

Palin actually asked to “go back to Afghanistan” to reiterate more of McCain’s position on the war on terror. The candidates are taking different positions on what would be the best strategy for winning the war on terror in Afghanistan and whether the same plan that’s being used in Iraq will work in Afghanistan.

Israel — 9:52: Palin says that Israel is the U.S.’s strongest ally and won’t let anything happen to it. She and McCain plan to protect Israel. Biden retorts that he has been the biggest champion and friend of Israel in the Senate. Biden says that the Bush administration’s position on the Middle East has been a failed effort.

Diplomacy — 9:50: Ifill mentions that many former secretaries of state advocate engagement, and not isolation. Palin says that sitting down with leaders like Iran’s leader won’t ever be done without preconditions. Biden brings up McCain’s refusal to sit down with the prime minister of Spain, a NATO ally.

No Nukes — 9:47: Palin just called Iran’s leader insane and unstable. ZIng!

(Source: Getty Images)

Iraq — 9:39: Onto the surge. Palin hails the surge and with a podium thump, says, “We’ve got to win in Iraq.” Says it would be a travesty to leave Iraq now. Biden says that Palin didn’t give a plan for Iraq. As a rebuttal about Obama not voting to fund the troops, well, it turns out that McCain also voted to not fund the troops.  Fundamental difference, Biden says he and Obama will end the war and that for McCain there’s no end in sight for the war.

Similar to her running mate, Palin has a hard time looking at Biden.

Same-sex benefits — 9:37: Biden supports same-sex benefits. Ifill didn’t ask whether the candidates support smae-sex marriage. Palin won’t expand benefits to marriage because she doesn’t want to redefine the traditional definition of marriage of “one man and one woman.” She says she’s tolerant, but she says that she will tell America straight up that she doesn’t support gay marriage. Biden says that he and Obama don’t support gay marriage.

Energy — 9:30: Climate change: true? false? Palin: “I’m not one to attribute man’s activity” on the effects of the climate change. I don’t want to argue about the causes, I want to work on what we can do to reduce emissions. This is the same question that Katie Couric asked this week. Biden: “I think it is man-made. It is totally man-made.” If you don’t know the cause, how can you fix the problem, he asks in response to Palin’s plan to fix the climate change, but not questioning how it came about.

Broken Promises — 9:21: Ifill asked if there are any promises that will go unfulfilled because of the economic crisis. Biden said they’ll have to slow down on global investments. Palin says there’s nothing because she’s only been at this “for what? five weeks? I’ve made no promises except to the American people” to have their interests at heart.

Healthcare — 9:19: Palin presents the McCain-Palin “budget neutral” healthcare plan that will give Americans a $5,000 tax credit for healthcare. Biden says that to pay for that credit, McCain will tax Americans’ current health plan.

The T word — 9:15: Palin is going on the attack about taxes accusing Obama of raising taxes and being a big spender. Biden has shot back that Palin isn’t accurate in her assessment and also pointing out that McCain also voted yes on some of the same bills that Palin has said Obama voted for.

Foreclosures — 9:12: Palin is blaming the predatory lenders for the housing crisis, and their conniving ways for tricking people into buying homes they couldn’t afford. But there aren’t just lenders at fault. There are people out there who knew they couldn’t afford a $300,000 home when they weren’t even making $30,000.

Wink — 9:08: She winked! Palin mentioned Americans are craving something new and different and want a maverick in the White House. But neither candidate actually answered Ifill’s question about what they’d do as vice president.

Economy — 9:06: Palin brings out the betcha, and takes the economic issue to Main Street and the soccer field.  So far, she’s mentioned John McCain twice. Three times.  She brings up the campaign suspension. Good return.

Rules of the House — 9:02: Ifill lays down the ground rules. No hitting, spitting, smacking. Oops, no, that’s wrestling. Biden won the coin toss, so he got the first question about the economic bailout bill.

It is T minus 54 and counting.

The vice presidential debate between Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin and Delaware Sen. Joe Biden will begin shortly. This is a moment that much of America has been waiting for since Palin was introduced as Sen. John McCain’s running mate.

There’s certainly been a flurry of conversation about tonight and whether Palin will be able to hold her own against Biden,  a veteran lawmaker, or whether he’ll tickle his tonsils with his toes from too many gaffes.

Hopefully, the argument of whether moderator Gwen Ifill, a veteran and well-respected journalist, is impartial will be sushed, and people will focus on the real issues: Who is best to lead this nation.

Conservatives say that a book she’s writing, called “The Breakthrough: Politics and Race in the Age of Obama,” makes her a bad choice.  Ifill says: “I’ve got a pretty long track record covering politics and news, so I’m not particularly worried that one-day blog chatter is going to destroy my reputation.”

Deborah Creighton Skinner is the editorial director of BlackEnterprise.com.

It is against this backdrop that the eventual Democratic nominee will have to compete as he or she attempts to outline strategies to remove the nation from war in Iraq, and to deal with Al Qaeda and other extremist terrorist factions, as well as temper potential conflicts with countries such as Iran.

If Clinton and Obama agree on anything it’s that U.S. withdrawal from Iraq is past due. Clinton says that if elected she would begin pulling troops out within her first 60 days in office; Obama says he would have all of our combat brigades out of Iraq within 16 months of his presidency. According to Dr. Ronald Walters, a political scientist at the University of Maryland, their scenarios vary only slightly in that Clinton would keep some troops in Iraq while Obama would position them outside of the country where they could respond to any attacks on Americans.

McCain is still trying to live down his statement that the U.S. could potentially be in Iraq for 100 years, but the fact remains he continues to believe that war is still winnable. “[McCain] has no plan for getting out. Some people say the 100-year comment was just a figure of speech, but if he’s willing to stay in the country long enough to stabilize it, that’s a scenario for I don’t know how long,” Walters says. “We have a continuing responsibility, but that can be met without having troops on the ground. [This fall], he’s going to be in trouble explaining that to a country that’s sick of the war.”

Both Clinton and McCain have run ads, very similar in tone and even language, arguing that they have the experience and strength to deal with national security issues. But, says Stephen Zunes, a University of San Francisco professor who specializes in Middle East politics, “If strength is defined in terms of effectiveness, I would argue that Obama is the strongest in the sense that while he certainly supports a strong military and wants to increase military spending and the number of U.S. forces under arms, he puts more emphasis on preventative diplomacy, on addressing issues of failed states and the underlying issues that lead to the rise of extremist movements and the like, such as sustainable economic development, and developing teams to work in conflict resolution. My impression is that Clinton, and even more so McCain, still see the world through an overemphasis on the nation-state, on governments. Obama’s advisers recognize a more complex world.”

Walters is alarmed by recent comments by Clinton that an attack on Israel by Iran would invite massive U.S. retaliation and a proposal to create a NATO-like security shield for the Middle East. “The implication of that type shield is that the U.S. could be drawn into conflict in that region for years. It would make getting out of Iraq pointless because if there is such a shield, we would have to go to war on a fairly regular basis.”

Obama has been criticized by his opponents for saying that he would engage in discussions with Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which both Zunes and Walters believe to be a more realistic approach. “Negotiating doesn’t mean you’re going to give in,” Zunes says. “Iran’s given an indication they’re willing to end their nuclear program and stop supporting Hezbollah and Hamas and do all sorts of things in return for ending U.S. threats against them and normal diplomatic relations. That might make sense and be to our advantage, but if you have a president who won’t discuss these things, we won’t get very far. If Iran was still totally uncooperative, Obama’s made it clear he’s willing to take tougher action, but at least he’s willing to explore the diplomatic route first which would have greater chances of finding solutions to common difficulties. Like it or not, Iran’s a major player in the region and we have to deal with them, just like we had to deal with other governments we don’t like over the years.”

The Patriot Act has caused concern among some Americans because of its potential to violate the civil liberties of citizens. As a state senator for Illinois, Obama sponsored and fought for legislation that included mandatory recording of interrogations and confessions in capital cases. He also co-sponsored legislation in the Senate that would tighten standards for warrantless surveillance. Both Obama and McCain have pledged to shut down Abu Ghraib.

“McCain has raised concerns about issues like torture but generally has supported [the Patriot Act],” Zunes says. “Clinton voted for it initially but has since backed off a little bit and has called for various reforms. Obama, in large part because he’s a former constitutional law professor, has been the most skeptical of the three and has raised some concerns about not just how this particular administration has abused it but how there are certain traditions that may be unconstitutional and are threats to civil liberties in a broader sense,”

Americans, and black people in particular, have paid a high price since the Iraq war first began. In addition to the billions of dollars it costs each month to keep it going, many millions more will be required on an ongoing basis to provide benefits for wounded veterans. Where does the money come from?

“We’re paying a tremendous price for the war, and black Americans are sensitive because of the needs of their community. The budget for housing has been cut, community development block grants in the HUD budget have been substantially cut, and government is unable to fund things like inadequate healthcare and fixing up dilapidated school buildings, dealing with drug treatment programs, and all the things that have to be done, because a lot of that money is going overseas. The president says, ‘I can’t fund the war and do all of these other things, so let me cut the domestic budget.’ And democrats are saying we have a president who will not only do that, but also give tax cuts to the rich, further reducing the amount of money in the federal budget.”